Que Sera, Sera: Imitations and Limitations in the Quest for Independence
Us Brits are no strangers to borrowing; be that words, exotic dishes, or priceless artefacts. This particular phrase, que sera, sera, and its Mediterranean mysticism are supposed to conjure a picture of romantic resignation, or the joys of living freely and temporally as they do in Spain. It reeks instead of factor fifty and Estrella on the Costa Del Sol. It is, of course, a grammatical disaster which any Hispanophone will assure you is entirely nonsensical given its use of English syntax. Indeed, it would appear that in Spain, ‘what will be, will be’ are not necessarily words to live by. A combined sentence of a century was passed down by the Spanish Supreme Court on 12 Catalan politicians earlier this month for their role in the 2017 referendum. Just the latest move by Spanish authorities to show anything but romantic resignation, what can the respective governments of Scotland and the United Kingdom learn from the widespread violence and political unrest flaring once more in Catalonia? Perhaps there are greater dangers than etymological embarrassment to be faced in imitating the Spanish.
The theatrics of winning the referendum-albeit one boycotted by many voters-by 92%, only for the vote to be deemed illegitimate and the result void, drew immediate attention from Scottish nationalists. Sympathies only deepened amid the extradition row surrounding St Andrews’ own Professor Clara Ponsati, charged with misappropriation of funds and seeking refuge in Scotland. Indeed, the Catalonian separatist movement has become something of a cult icon among supporters of independence. A far cry from Scotland’s own reasonably peaceful referendum three years prior, the conflation of the two campaigns proved dangerous for all: the prospect of violence on the streets, government crackdowns, and European arrest warrants are things Britain would perhaps rather not imitate. Two years on, the sentencing of the former leaders of the separatist movement cast a spotlight on this relationship once more, and its timing could not be more impeccable.
Now deep in the throes of Brexit and with an election looming, the idea of a second referendum on Scottish independence is inching its way back on to the table with the help of an overwhelming regional vote to remain and antipathy towards the issue at Number 10. Leadership hopefuls in the Conservative party were quick to make promises that they would not allow the question to be posed again – a comment met with outrage - while opposition parties in Scotland also maintain that the matter is not up for discussion. Nicola Sturgeon, however, told the SNP conference just over a week ago that she would seek a Section 30 order by the end of the year with a view to holding a second referendum on independence in 2020. While she insisted the pursuit of independence in Scotland would be legal and legitimate, it was no coincidence that she expressed in the same breath her sympathies for the Catalan people. In doing so, the First Minister has essentially put the ball in the court of the UK government. Denying any intention to mimic the radical methods of the Catalan government, it is still the Spanish authorities who are the object of condemnation here in the eyes of Scottish nationalists. After all, violent repression and draconian jailings aren’t particularly fetching for an administration already accused of an innate contempt for Scotland.
Renewed attention on the Catalonian crisis of democracy undoubtedly puts wind in the sails of the SNP and Scottish nationalists. The Spanish government, in their efforts to repress the movement and its leaders, have shown us exactly what not to do, setting an alarming precedent for the exercise of political freedom in Europe. Excessive use of force, including rubber bullets, has left 600 protestors injured and four blinded; and the spectre of Franco’s Spain once again rears its ugly head. Perhaps we might see some added pressure on the UK government to shift away from its arguably hard-line approach to another vote, despite a marked difference in the way it and the Spanish government have dealt with separatist movements to date, in order to save itself from a PR disaster which it cannot afford.
The severe sentencing of the Catalan politicians marks an interesting turn of events in what is already a discursively intense dispute between the Scottish and UK governments. With Catalan and Scottish independence now so ostensibly linked through political and social discussion, the question now is no longer whether Westminster will allow a referendum, but whether they are in a position to stop it. Well aware of the legalities of posing the question once again, it appears Nicola Sturgeon is willing to call the bluff of those so ardently opposed to a repeat of 2014. Will this be a case of que sera, sera?
