Russia and Ukraine: A Story of Mythmaking and Identity Formation
As Ukraine prepares for a Russian invasion and noticeably unproductive diplomatic talks continue to make little difference in tensions between Russia and the West, many have attempted to interpret this current Ukraine crisis with security and economics explanations. Yes, Moscow is threatened by the dominant position of NATO in the post-soviet sphere and the prospect of a NATO-aligned Ukraine. However, using a historical and cultural contextual framework, Putin’s behavior can be explained by factors beyond those of national security and balance of power politics.
The Ukraine border crisis has its roots in the historical cultural identity of Russians and Ukranians, and the myths that have emerged from such identity formations. Many Russians believe that Russians and Ukranians are from “brother nations” and are inherently the same people. Before Moscow was even on the map, the Ukrainian capital Kiev was the seat of the original Kievan Rus people as early as 882. Thus, Russia’s relationship with Ukraine is far different than its relationship with other satellite states like Georgia - Ukraine and Russia are kin.
Once the Russian Empire was formed and set in Moscow, the Tsars needed full control over all the Rus to effectively govern the immense territory. Thus, the Tsarist government attempted to erase the distinctive cultural and linguistic memory of the eastern Slavic states, and created the myth that Ukraine had no history of its own. Fast forward to Soviet Russia, and Stalin continued to obsess over the erasure of Ukraine-ness. Many scholars apply the artificial famine of 1932-1933 as evidence of intentional oppression of Ukrainian culture and language.
Now, Putin himself is not only obsessed with stifling Ukrainian identity. He wants to be known as a conqueror, a unifier of Russian lands, and the harbinger of the revitalisation of Russian military prestige. The Ukraine crisis is more than a political stand-off between Putin and the West, and it’s about more than NATO. An independent Ukraine with its own orthodox church, its own historical legacies, and its own cultural heritage is a threat to Putin’s vision of what Russia is. All states and people have a national mythology that lies at the foundation of what makes up their identity. For Putin and many Russians, the Russian claim to the Kievan Rus legacy is a large aspect of Russian identity, and an independent Ukraine and Belarus undermine this national mythology.
Putin recently published a 500 word- article called “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians” on the government website that outlines his beliefs toward Ukrainian statehood. He reiterates his beliefs that Ukrainians and Russians are “one people”; that modern-day Ukraine is built on lands that were “robbed” from Russia; encourages the annexation of the Donbas territory, and questions the ability of Ukraine to function as an independent state. In the article, Putin states: “I am confident that true sovereignty of Ukraine is possible only in partnership with Russia”, illustrating his conviction that Ukraine must be controlled by Moscow. This article, whilst the timing of its publication is noticeable, says nothing new. In 2008, Putin infamously told George W. Bush that “Ukraine is not a country”.
The current crisis is not a new one. Back in 2014, Russia attempted to incite a series of uprisings in Ukraine throughout regions in the east and west of the country. The goal was to create a new state, a “New Russia”, but this failed when the local people opposed Moscow’s plans. Putin has not learned his lesson and continues to hold the incorrect view that most Ukrainians consider themselves to be a part of “Greater Russia”. Moreover, the recent migrant crisis on the border of Belarus mounted by the state’s Kremlin-backed dictator Alyaksandr Lukashenka is another example of Moscow’s demonstrated desire to revise national and territorial boundaries.
Moscow has been engaging in revisionist politics for years, and yet the West remains divided on how to handle yet another move of aggression by Putin. Cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, and continuous military intervention in Ukraine has repeatedly been met with underwhelming international intervention, and most states in the West continue to engage in talks with Russia. With Germany undergoing a leadership transition, France preoccupied by elections, and the US preoccupied with China, Western resistance does not hold a formidable threat to Putin’s ambitions.
The situation on the Ukraine border is intense. US intelligence feels confident that a second wave of violence in Eastern Ukraine is imminent, yet Western governments cannot seem to agree on how Russia should be punished, or Ukraine helped. Of course, China is observing patiently as it will likely pursue its own aggressive agenda towards Taiwan if Moscow is successful in its advances. A new world order could emerge if Putin continues to encroach upon sovereign land in the name of a national myth.
Whilst economic sanctions are widely thought to be harmful to Russia’s economy, it is uncertain whether they can comprehensively deter Moscow’s aggressive behavior, and the diplomatic talks throughout the past couple months have demonstrated that Western governments are unwilling to pursue a military engagement. Putin has made it clear that he is willing to fight a war over Ukraine to maintain a Russian sphere of influence and continue his attempts at re-establishing Russia as a dominant power in global politics.
However, whilst defenses can be built, economic sanctions can be levied, and security talks can be held, the motivation for Putin’s decisions around Ukraine is not based solely on military strength. His actions are fueled by centuries of mythmaking and identity formation, and the cultural and historical significance of the conflict cannot be ignored. In order to prevent a new world order from arising out of these myths, the West must agree on a unified response to Moscow’s encroachment into Ukraine.
Image courtesy of Rbrechko, ©2017, some rights reserved.
