Tigray: Underreporting in a Humanitarian Crisis

Nov 8

Nov 8 Tigray: Underreporting in a Humanitarian Crisis

It has been just over a year since the Ethiopian government began its military offensive in the Tigray region. The offensive began a civil war whose combatants include not only the Ethiopian National Defence Forces (ENDF) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), but also Eritrean and Amharan forces. It is estimated that thousands of civilians have died, two million have been displaced, 5.2 million are facing hunger, and 350,000 are suffering acute famine conditions. Yet, there has been shockingly little attention paid to the crisis by the media and governments. Without attention and action, the conflict will worsen, trapping millions of Tigrayans in a humanitarian crisis for too long to come.

The conflict has its roots in historical favouritism of Tigrayans beginning in 1989. Although Tigrayans make up only 6-7% of the Ethiopian population, the TPLF led the coalition that took power from a military junta in 1991. The current Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, came to power on a wave of dissatisfaction regarding repression, unequal opportunities, and the prominent role which Tigrayans held in Ethiopian politics. Ahmed disbanded the former ruling coalition, which had included the TPLF, to create the Prosperity Party. In September 2020, the Tigrayan regional government held elections, contravening Ahmed’s orders to delay them because of COVID. After these elections, Ethiopian lawmakers cut funding to the Tigray region.

Tensions boiled over at the beginning of November 2020, when the TPLF attacked an ENDF military base. Hours later, Ahmed launched a military offensive against Tigray. Although Ahmed declared that the conflict would last only a few weeks, the conflict expanded to include the Amhara regional government and Eritrean forces. Many of the worst abuses and atrocities have been committed by Eritrean soldiers, who Ahmed initially denied were in Ethiopia. Instead of heeding international calls to leave the conflict, Eritrean soldiers allegedly began wearing Ethiopian military uniforms to disguise their identity.

The destruction caused by any year-long conflict is devastating – but the situation in Tigray is particularly dire. For one, all sides in the conflict have engaged in atrocities. Most of the atrocities have been directed at Tigrayans, but Eritrean refugees have been targeted within Tigray. As the TPLF has pushed into neighbouring Amhara and Afar states, it has been accused of revenge killings and ethnically motivated attacks.

In addition to direct killings, food and critical infrastructure have become instruments of war. During the fighting, crops were deliberately destroyed, which led to “catastrophic food insecurity.” Tigrayan medical clinics have been deliberately destroyed and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) aid workers have been harassed and threatened. Other aid workers report being prevented from taking can openers, multivitamins, and medicines into Tigray by the government, in case they be given to Tigrayans.

Humanitarian aid has also been blocked by the government. The TPLF created a corridor to Djibouti for aid, but has faced issues. Transportation infrastructure was deliberately destroyed in the fighting, which complicates getting aid to Tigray. There are reports of the TPLF capturing the supplies for itself. Regardless, if aid gets into Tigray, many aid trucks remain stranded there because of a lack of fuel. Unless the conflict ends soon, the humanitarian crisis will likely extend into next year- as an example, most farmers could plant only ¼ of their typical harvest because of the fighting.

Clearly, this is a desperate humanitarian crisis. However, the crisis is severely underreported in the international media. Some of the blame rests on the lack of international attention – many in the western world are focused on domestic issues or important international summits, rather than a year-long conflict in Africa. However, the underreporting is also due to conscious moves by the Abiy government to undermine the ability of a free press to report on the crisis in Tigray.

Since the start of the conflict, the Abiy government imposed a communications blackout that affects the internet, mobile phones, and landlines. Aid workers have been prevented from traveling with communications equipment, hard drives, or USB drives, and workers’ phones and cameras are searched for pictures of Tigray when they leave. Reporters, who exposed past famines in Ethiopia, are largely kept out of Tigray. Even UN officials were expelled from Ethiopia after being accused of sympathising with the TPLF.

The crisis has also coincided with other dangerous trends in the media landscape. Alarmingly, the Ethiopian news media is becoming divided by ethnic identity. Journalists and channels are increasingly reporting based on their personal ethnic backgrounds, which reduces the space for independent journalism on the conflict in Tigray. In addition, although the Nobel Peace Prize Committee praised Abiy Ahmed for “discontinuing media censorship,” press freedoms have been restricted again. The Abiy government is using anti-hate speech and anti-fake news legislation against critical journalists with increasing frequency. For example, an editor of the independent newspaper Addis Standard was arrested for “attempts to dismantle the constitution through violence” and “outrage against the constitution.” Separately, a reporter for Tigray TV was also killed near Tigray’s capital, although it was unclear if it was because of his work.

The lack of reporting about the crisis has obvious implications for its victims. Without international attention, world leaders are not forced to act to end the crisis. Although the Biden Administration announced a sanctions regime that could be applied to the Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara governments, and the TPLF, the sanctions have not yet been applied. The Biden Administration also ordered an investigation into whether the atrocities in Tigray constitute genocide, requested that the IMF and World Bank withhold some loans to Ethiopia, and discussed removing Ethiopia from a group of countries with duty-free access to U.S. markets. However, none of these steps have stopped the conflict.

Ethiopia has long been a strategic partner of the U.S. and an important force in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia has worked with the U.S. and other partners to counter terrorism, especially al-Shabab. Ethiopia has also been credited with stabilising Somalia and South Sudan, as well as providing diplomatic support during Sudan’s democratic transition.

However, the steps the U.S. has taken threaten to push Ethiopia towards authoritarian government, which could further erode democratic reforms. Turkey is not only supplying the Ethiopian government with drones that have been used in Tigray but is also trying to increase its influence in the region by resolving disputes between Sudan and Ethiopia over agricultural areas. Additionally, China has a military base in neighbouring Djibouti as well as investments in Ethiopia itself. As China seeks to expand its influence in Africa with its Belt and Road Initiative, China could dominate Ethiopia, especially if Ethiopia should need a new patron government if the Biden Administration chooses not to act.

Although the crisis in Tigray has international implications, it is most important to recognise the millions of Tigrayans, Eritrean refugees, and Amharan civilians caught in the conflict. The lack of coverage is the result of purposeful decisions to block independent reporting about the crisis, which has led to insufficient international pressure. Without change, millions more Ethiopians will die in the conflict and through famine – a terrible turn for a country that was starting to experience reform.