Bernie Sanders and Joe Biden on Foreign Policy
Sen Bernie Sanders and his wife, Jane O’Meara, meet then-Vice-President Joe Biden in 2013. Obtained courtesy of Wikimedia Commons. Public domain.
In a world characterised by ever-increasing globalisation, the realm of foreign policy carries considerable implications for the health and prosperity of a nation. With the United States approaching a particularly consequential election in November of this year, the Democratic party’s two front runners — former Vice-President Joseph Biden and Senator Bernie Sanders — are laying out foreign policy platforms respectively grounded in combating illiberal democracy and socioeconomic inequality. When one thinks of American foreign policy over the last 20 odd years, particularly salient themes are those of defence and counter-terrorism. So, what can we expect overall and in these particular areas?
For starters, in an op-ed for Foreign Affairs, Sanders’ emphasized that America requires ‘a foreign policy focused on core U.S. interests, clarifies our commitment to democratic values both at home and abroad, and privileges diplomacy and working collectively with allies to address shared security concerns’. Lamenting the longevity of the conflicts in the Middle East justified under the ‘Global War on Terror’ and promising to bring US servicemen and women home, Sanders argues that a reorientation of foreign policy away from the war on terror and militaristic interventionism will not only bring economic and moral revitalisation, but is a necessity if the US wishes to re-establish itself as the principled leader of the free world. Referring to these endless wars as ‘costly distractions’, he highlights how the economic corruption and inequality benefiting societal elites are facilitated through constant fear-mongering and militaristic hubbub. Rather, focus should be placed on more pressing matters, such as climate change, with a foreign policy that prioritises diplomacy and multilateral engagement over unilateral militarism and re-evaluates US relationships with undemocratic states.
Sander’s proposed re-orientation falls under what he calls his ‘Responsible Foreign Policy’ on his campaign website. Fleshed out in a rather underwhelming manner, notable actions he would take include ending US support for the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen, rejoining the Iran nuclear agreement, and returning war-making powers to their constitutionally rightful custodians in Congress. In addition to these, we can expect some other significant alterations to US policy. For example, Sanders has called for limits on drone strikes and the closure of Guantanamo Bay. Military intervention may still be expected, but under what Sander’s considers more imperative conditions — humanitarian reasons or nuclear deterrence — and only as a matter of last resort. Finally, given his disdain for the Pentagon's use of contractors, we can expect the defense contracting industry to lose major influence within a Sanders administration.
Biden, on the other hand, offers a more familiar foreign policy than his reformist counter-part. In his own Foreign Affairs op-ed, the former Vice-President similarly stressed the need for a moral re-orientation of US foreign policy with one that will ‘renew US democracy and alliances, protect the United States’ economic future, and once more have America lead the world’. Like Sanders, Biden attributes recent foreign policy blunders to undermined democratic ideals and rampant corruption, which he expects to address by hosting a global ‘Summit for Democracy’ for like-minded states to fight corruption, defend against authoritarianism, and advance human rights. Again in line with Sanders, Biden argues the US ‘forever wars’ in the Middle East have carried substantial costs and the majority of American troops ought to be brought home. However, he states counter-terrorism ought to remain a primary feature of US foreign policy, simply with more tangible goals such as defeating specifically targeted foreign terrorist organizations. Nonetheless, diplomacy built on renewed professionalism and credibility would be the primary instrument of power in a Biden-led America.
A number of foreign policy objectives are listed under the ‘American Leadership’ plan on Biden’s campaign website. While promising to maintain the US armed forces’ position as the world’s most powerful military force, Biden shared in Sanders beliefs that the use of force is a case of last resort and he too seeks an end to US support for Saudi Arabia’s Yemen intervention. However he differs from Senator Sanders in both his stance on the complete necessity of congressional approval and his willingness to use military force to protect oil supplies. Biden is also in favour of ‘aggressive’ airstrikes in tandem with surgical responses from US special forces as part of his ‘counterterrorism plus’ strategy.
While we can see some considerable overlap in the broad aims of the DNC’s two primary candidates, the fact of the matter is each would-be-President can be expected to bring their own foreign policy flair to an administration that would drastically differ from that of the incumbent, President Donald J. Trump.
